The leader of the left wing majority, Edi Rama and the leader of the Albanian opposition, Lulzim Basha managed to strike a deal on 18 May, which put an end to the long political crisis and gave way to the holding of normal parliamentary elections in June.
Albanian Free Press holds this forum today with its analysts, by asking a question: “Who won out of the 18 May agreement? Rama or Basha and why?” Columnists Alfred Peza, Frrok Çupi, Sonila Meço, Eduard Zaloshnja, Roland Qafoku, Plator Nesturi, Apollon Baçe and Edison Ypi offer their insights for this forum on Albanian Free Press.
ALFRED PEZA
“Basha, a real aspirer to become Prime Minister one day”
Alfred Peza believes that “The one who won the most on a personal level was Lulzim Basha”, explaining that Basha “who rose for the first time since he was elected to being a de facto chairman of the main opposition force in Albania, by intensifying his action within his party and also on a wider political and electoral scale.”. For Mr. Peza, this makes Basha, “a real aspirer–if he continues this way–to be one day the next Prime Minister of Albania.”.
FRROK ÇUPI
Frrok Çupi stops on another aspect of the situation. He says that “ “that both sides have lost and won something: SMI.” and he elaborates his idea by saying: “There are many of those who want to get rid of it ". According to the prominent analyst, both sides may lose if SMI comes back to the government.
SONILA MEÇO
For the prominent columnist, Sonila Meço, “The agreement justified the means, but not the motive”. She says that “this agreement is a reflection of a state which has totally fallen in every vital sector”. And in this point, Meço believes that “there’s no point to discuss who won and who lost”, because “an agreement was reached over the ruins of a republic which has crushed us below, where the citizen still feels that he’s the dice of the political game.”
EDUARD ZALOSHNJA
“The agreement was not Rama’s act of surrender”
Eduard Zaloshnja confirms the fact that “when an agreement is signed, each of the signatories benefits from it”. Zaloshnja says that the agreement was not an act of surrender by Rama. Meanwhile, he analyzes what Rama and Basha won. For the second one, Zaloshnja says that “Basha enabled his party to have the same options as the SP (it could aim for 71 seats or to create a post-electoral governing coalition, small or large).” Meanwhile, he explains why “Basha managed to grow his profile as DP leader”.
ROLAND QAFOKU
“Basha no longer has an alibi if he loses the elections”
Roland Qafoku believes on the agreement, “first of all, it was them two who won, but more than them, it was Albania, which was under tension for 90 days”. He confirms that “had this agreement not been reached, chances for unrest would be greater and elections without the opposition would put Albania under great tension”. Qafoku explains what the leader of DP, Lulzim Basha won, “winning above all against his critics within the DP”. Stopping on Mr. Rama, Mr. Qafoku says that he won “because Basha no longer has an alibi if he loses the elections”.
PLATOR NESTURI
Plator Nesturi believes than in the long term, it’s Rama who dictates the game. Meanwhile, he predicts that “a one month government with technocrats from the DP will hardly affect the June 25 elections. Therefore, for Rama it is not a painful concession to give up several posts, at a time when he’s clear that the opposition was not prepared for a quick campaign and in all likelihood, the SP will once again come out the largest political force in the country.”
APOLLON BAÇE
“An illness which turned from an acute one to a chronic one”
Apollon Baçe believes that the real losers in this story are the ones in minority: “On the right the parties and not their leaders, whom the DP took under its custody, while on the left, parties along with leaders (except for Gjinushi who sold his party to the symbol of antifascism, intellect and moral purity, Tom Doshi).” Baçe is pessimistic for the future when he says that “with party leaders who continue to appoint MPs as if they were sultans”, there is “an illness which turned from an acute one to a chronic one”.
EDISON YPI
“The majority won and along with it, we all won”
Edison Ypi says that “Basha and Rama are neither losers nor winners, they are the authors” and adds that “The ones who will suffer or benefit from the agreement will be the ones to lose or win.” According to Ypi, the ones to lose were “the ones who are irresponsible for their fates and the society”. And the ones to win were “Those who won know that politics is not a craft, but a difficult science which can only be learned in universities, academies and is improved by exerting it”. Ypi believes that “the majority won” and “along with the majority, everyone won”.
ALFRED PEZA
Albanian people were the ones who won the most out of this agreement. They didn’t deserve for their stability and calm to be held to ransom by the games of political leaders. In case of aggravation or further escalation of the situation, this lack of stability could also threaten the country’s macro-economic stability and as a result, the financial interests of common people and business community.
The second biggest winner is our democratic system, which remained untouched, because no constitutional deadlines were affected in terms of the election date and no other elements of this process. Otherwise, this agreement could generate a dangerous cause which would irreparably mine the long-term democratic stability of the country, by producing cyclic crises. The third one that has won out of this is the image of Albania in the eyes of international public opinion and its chancelleries. As a result, the integrating process of the country in the EU was not threatened, but it won.
The great desire of Albanians to finally have a “vetting” process for judges and prosecutors also won. This is an opportunity to reform the judicial system, which offers more guarantees for a democratic system and deep reforms. Lastly, the political class won. Among them, the two protagonists of this agreement, the leader of SP, Rama the leader of DP, Basha.
The former not only secured the legitimacy of the elections, but also of the new government that will come out of this process. The one who won the most on a personal level was Lulzim Basha, who rose for the first time since he was elected to being a de facto chairman of the main opposition force in Albania, by intensifying his action within his party and also on a wider political and electoral scale. This act makes him a real aspirer–if he continues this way–to be one day the next Prime Minister of Albania.
APOLLON BAÇE
To determine who won and who lost, we must first clarify something, because the sides are trying the big Italian historical compromise (communist-democratic Christian alliance of the ‘70s) or the Große Koalition, the Great German Coalition (Democratic Christian: CDU, CSU and Social Democrats of SDP). As such, the clash between the two is absurd and comic.
Based on the law which they drafted together, according to which, the party leader names the MPs, this unification would create a two party system, because there doesn’t exist a will between DP and SP as parties, but the will exists between party leaders. This structure is coherent with the unlucky and short living structure of the Roman duumvirate, governance by two people. The people will not lose out of this after a year of rallies, rows, protests, somewhere violence and economic drop. It’s not that there will not be any economic fall, because the 10-15 billion euros of drug money must disappear from circulation. But this fall will be gradual and there will not be any tourists or investors leaving. The small ones will be the real losers: On the right the parties and not their leaders, whom the DP took under its custody, while on the left, parties along with leaders (except for Gjinushi who sold his party to the symbol of antifascism, intellect and moral purity, Tom Doshi).
Formally, these will be regular elections in the post-communist Albania. These elections will be held with party leaders who continue to appoint MPs like sultans, with asphyxiating conditions for new parties and ideas, with a Diaspora that keeps Albania alive and is not entitled to have its say on who will govern the country. In other words, an illness which turned from an acute one to a chronic one.
EDISON YPI
Basha and Rama are neither losers nor winners, they are the authors. The ones who will suffer or benefit from the agreement will be the ones to lose or win.
The ones to lose were the ones who are irresponsible for their fates and the society, those who imagine politics in a primitive way, they imagine it as entertainment.
Materialists who condition their considerations for politics with the circumstances that decide their personal and family interests.
Fatalist incompetents who do not believe in themselves and as a result, think that evil is endless.
Those who bear a grudge, the greedy ones, who are not known for their desire to work. Those who dream of unrest in order to rob wealth from those who have worked so hard to have them.
Crooks of any kind. Those who buy votes and who are not that happy with the new penalties.
Some adventurers who every time there are elections in Albania, they think that they will make the best out of it. Those who expect to become MPs and ministers without any merit.
So, the minority lost.
Those who won know that politics is not a craft, but a difficult science which can only be learned in universities, academies and is improved by exerting it. Hundreds of thousands who have built new homes, villas, businesses, those who want to continue and enjoy them and who have better plans for the future.
Serious Albanians with social awareness. Those who believe in themselves and community. Those who are clear about the fact that not everyone can become MP and minister. Those who know that respecting the law is a good thing for everyone. The majority won and along with the majority, everyone.
EDUARD ZALOSHNJA
When an agreement is signed, each of the signatories benefits from it. Otherwise, we would just have to deal with the signing of an act of surrendering of one side to the other. And without any doubt, the agreement between Rama and Basha, which marked the end of the 90 day protest of the opposition in front of the Council of Ministers building, was not an act of surrender of the latter.
And the question that should be asked is in fact: What has Rama won and what has Basha won?
Rama secured the voting of the Vetting commissions and this has been a focal point for his electoral campaign. He also secured the participation of the opposition in the elections. His victory in the elections without the participation of the opposition, would be a victory “like Pyrrhos’”. His government would not have such a long life, although it would be voted by more than 100 MPs that he would have. With the opposition outside parliament and permanent protests, it is not very easy to govern the country.
Rama also had the chance to run in the elections without creating a pre electoral coalition with SMI and other small left wing parties. This enables him to attract toward the SP the voters of these parties. If the SP manages to obtain at least 71 seats in Parliament, Rama will be able to govern without sharing power with other parties. If he comes close to 71 seats, he will ask small parties or given MPs to join the majority. But this time, after the elections and not before them.
In the most extreme of cases, Rama may ask Basha to build a big coalition, which would finalize the constitutional and electoral reform and in two years, the country would head to early elections with an electoral system which would secure a stable government for one of the two large parties.
Basha enabled his party to have the same options as the SP (it could aim for 71 seats or to create a post-electoral governing coalition, small or large).
Meanwhile, he managed to grow his profile as DP leader, because he showed to his voters that his perseverance obliged the opponent to make a partial withdrawal.
ROLAND QAFOKU
First of all, it was them two who won, but more than them, it was Albania, which was under tension for 90 days and we, journalists, were more and more articulating the expression “boiling point”. We all feared that the situation could slip into chaos, unrest and excesses, which we Albanians have gone through in the past 27 years. Had this agreement not been reached, chances for unrest would be greater and elections without the opposition would put Albania under great tension. The phrases articulated by Berisha and Basha such as “democratic revolution”, “we will drag you out”, “we will kick you out of your offices” and others like these, were the prelude of a situation of unrest and these would have had consequences on the economy, tourism and other domains of life.
Secondly, it was the leader of DP, Lulzim Basha who won. At least on paper, he has now guaranteed fair elections. The six ministers, the deputy Prime Minister and the five directors are the guardians of these elections. In other words, these elections are more transparent. We have never had more transparent elections than these. Of course, we will wait to see it happen, but this agreement has enabled a high level electoral monitoring. And Basha has won a lot in this aspect.
Thirdly, Basha also won against his critics within the DP, who behaved like democrats within the DP and whom nobody believed that they were doing it in the name of principles, character and honor.
Thirdly, it was Prime Minister Edi Rama who won, because the leader of DP, Lulzim Basha no longer has an alibi if he loses the elections. If the DP loses, Basha must act as a gentleman and as a politician graduated in the West. He must call Rama and congratulate him on the victory.
Thirdly, not only Basha and Rama won out of this, but the whole country won, because the continuation of judicial reforms is a great achievement. Nobody must boast of being the author of the reform in the judicial system. And as far as the big question “who should be afraid of the justice reform” is concerned, there must only be one answer: Everyone should be, because nobody is immune due to his political or state office.
Fourthly, Basha and Rama are two big losers in regards to their allies. Although the democrat chairman has included some of them in the candidate lists, small parties are risking disappearing with this agreement. The same thing also goes for Edi Rama. Although SMI has backed this compromise and continues to declare that this agreement was an achievement, judging by the way it was done within those three hours of meeting between Rama and Basha alone, there are many question marks for SMI.
Plator Nesturi
Division of power by including as part of the government the ministers proposed by the opposition, gives the impression that in terms of a strategic plan, the DP has made a big achievement in its battle. In fact, both political forces must be happy. The SP, which managed to attract the DP into the elections, because a victory without the opposition would have no value and wouldn’t be a long-term victory. Meanwhile, the DP now has what it can present to its supporters as an achievement and as electoral optimism.
But in the long term, I believe that it was Rama who dictates the game. The Prime Minister didn’t make any concessions in terms of the election date and creating gaps which would ruin his already built electoral structure. A one month government with technocrats from the DP will hardly affect the June 25 elections. Therefore, for Rama it is not a painful concession to give up several posts, at a time when he’s clear that the opposition was not prepared for a quick campaign and in all likelihood, the SP will once again come out the largest political force in the country.
With this move, Rama managed to avoid the formula of coalitions, which relieves the burden of pre-electoral agreements, but also causes great damage for small parties. By reaching a direct agreement with Basha, the leader of the SP is also trying to damage SMI. It seems that the true battle in this campaign will be the one between SP and SMI. There may be many surprises, therefore to avoid any complication, Rama wants to win 71 seats to be on the safe side. However, the dilemma as to what will bring the result of the June 25 elections may be resumed with a question: Will 25 June produce a weak government and a strong opposition or a supermajority and an insignificant opposition? The recent agreements suggest the latter.
Sonila Meco
The agreement justified the means, but not the motive. I don’t think that we can discuss who has won and who as lost between Rama and Basha. This was not the scope of this battle, despite the desire of the Prime Minister, who sometimes saw what was happening a few meters from his office as chess, and sometimes as poker. As leader of the opposition, Lulzim Basha entered the Freedom Tent convinced that with this power and Edi Rama as PM, there could not be free and fair elections. By gradually evolving in the concept of a New Republic, which guarantees civil participation, a balance of powers and the end of a political-financial oligarchy, which has captured the country.
Rama was sticking to the idea that a government which was voted by 1 million people could not submit to the threats of a tent, that wants to seize power on the table and wants to legitimize the missing authority of its leader. And an opposition which up until yesterday had reduced in number, was excluded, denigrated and was not taken into account by the power, today holds half of the government cabinet seats.
No opposition in the history of Albanian pluralism has managed to secure so close to the election campaign, such guarantees for the elections. But he could not remove Rama. He will enter the elections with him as head of a joint government. There is no sufficient time to insure the decriminalization of the administration. The opposition now has the responsibility of organizing the elections and along with the leader of CEC and the ministers and the heads of several agencies, they will look like guardians more than contributors of what Lulzim Basha articulated so much on the New Republic without Edi Rama. On the other hand, the latter lost his most important means of rhetoric, according to which, power that comes out of the power of vote cannot be given up, although he preserved his chair, on which he has sat to do less work than propaganda.
In the end, we may take a look at the agreement that was signed, drafted in offices away from this country, by people who don’t have an Albanian passport. There’s no point to discuss who won and who lost here. Today, an agreement was reached over the ruins of a republic which has crushed us below, where the citizen still feels that he’s the dice of the political game. A game which narrowed democracy once again down to two poles, by making it impossible to have alternatives.
What was lost by one and won by both
Frrok Çupi
What did Basha win and what did Rama lose? This is the question. It is not a difficult question, but it is however a question which requires a well pondered answer. Or rather, a long analysis…
Did one of them lose? This was no Medieval battle or any other battle for that matter. For instance, even to this day, we cannot say who won the Second World War… Those who won (Stalin etc), lost; in fact, the battle was won by the defeated, westerners.
Let us go back to our “battle”, which was not a war. It was held and was “won” under the custody of the greatest true ally, the United States of America. How could the USA enter a battlefield where the anti-communist opposition of the 1990 would lose?! Then, how could America come to “eradicate” the government of a country aspiring to become an EU member and its ally?! This is where the reasoning that if someone loses, both of them won, starts.
But what did the one lose in order for both of them to win?
Government: Did it not lose some of its arrogance? Yes, it did. Did it not lose control over everything? Yes, it did. Did it not lose the “right” to purchase the votes of the June elections? Surely, the government will do everything to achieve this, but the perpetrators may be jailed for seven years.
Did the government not lose the right to cultivate and traffic narcotics? Yes, of course it did.
Did these values not win together? If the Albanian people are given a chance to breathe freely, then this is a value for both sides.
Did the opposition not lose? According to some analysts and militants, it lost. It lost its cause, they say, because it declared that it would not leave the Tent, but it did. If this had happened (if it hadn’t left), of course this would be absurd. Che Gue Vara was killed because he resisted absurdly. The government and opposition won. Did the opposition not lose small parties? Both sides lost them, but I think that they have lost a liberal democracy and won an overly scrutinized democracy. I think that both sides have lost and won something: SMI.
There are many of those who want to get rid of it, because they consider this party to be irritating. However, both sides may lose if SMI is recycled into the government.
