Could the presidency turn into a new pole of power?

Could the presidency turn into a new pole of power?
This article has been written for Albanian Free Press newspaper and www.afp.al

By Alfred Peza

 Following the debates on the reelection of Lulzim Basha as head of the Democratic Party, the most important story of the month was Ilir Meta starting his term in office as President. His formal inauguration as the new President of Republic in Parliament and the ceremony at the Presidency, dominated the media. This enriched public debate and social networks. A debate, for which Ilir Meta himself had invested before the June 25 elections, when with his strong declarations against the SP and PM Rama, he exceeded the profile of a resigned party leader and a newly elect president, awaiting to assume his new post.

This re-dimensioning of Ilir Meta’s profile in front of a majority which will form a new government once Parliament convenes in September, after four years of governing with the SP and elected as head of the state with its votes, has made the public more curious. The question that comes up after this is: What sort of president will Ilir Meta be in the next five years in relation to the government led by PM Rama and the opposition led by Basha, but also in relation to his wife, who is now leader of SMI? Is he ready to close, like no one before him in these years of pluralism, the cycle of occupying three high state posts (Prime Minister, Speaker of Parliament and President) at the age of 53 and retire from the political scene? Will he follow Sali Berisha’s example with the DP, to return as head of SMI once he leaves the presidency? Or will he follow the example of Ramiz Alia and Rexhep Meidani to withdraw from active public life?

So, at the end of the day, what sort of presidential model is a politician with so much experience is expected to create, with so many balances to preserve and with so many restrictions that the Constitution of a country creates in a parliamentary republic and not a presidential one such as ours?

One thing is sure today. Based on the way Ilir Meta has played the role of Prime Minister many years ago and the role of the Speaker of Parliament in the last four years, he will be a serious President. More of an institutional one, rather than a conflicting one. He will offer solutions, rather than encourage crises. He will guarantee not only the Constitution, but he will also act as a serious representative of Albania abroad. A man who will need to make many efforts to rise above his own human and personal political emotions in relation with parliamentary parties in general and SMI in particular. Above all, he needs to do this because the Constitution requires him to be a symbol of the unity of the people.

But beyond this, the biggest concern in this discussion doesn’t relate to details, the procedure, the technicalities and protocol formalities. Albania has had many heads of state and several presidential profiles. It has had a president who was totally political, such as Sali Berisha. A consensual president, such as Alfred Moisiu. Presidents elected by the party, such as Rexhep Meidani and Bamir Topi, but, who made a lot of efforts to be balanced during their term in office. But we’ve also head presidents such as Ramiz Alia and Bujar Nishani, who, although they handed over the membership cards of the parties that elected them, they continued to support the party with other methods.

I cannot make an accurate prediction how Ilir Meta will be tomorrow, but what I can say now is that he will not be the same as any of his predecessors, because the curve of his political career has followed a different trajectory from the one of his predecessors. This is a clear sign that even in this duty, thanks to a 25 year political experience, he will try to be himself. An original profile, which I cannot say if it will be more productive or not for him, the country or the people. But what I can say with certainty is that his activity is not predictable. For as long as SMI acted as a kingmaker of power for 8 years in a row and without it, none of the main parties could not manage to create a government on its own and Ilir Meta managed to be the head of a third political pole. This had made him and SMI feel comfortable in relation with voters, because by sharing power, this party managed to secure, in practice, more posts, functions and jobs in the central and local government than were needed. So, SMI managed to have the luxury to have a higher offer than the electoral demand. After the June 25 elections, when the SP and PM Rama secured a second mandate, by winning 74 seats on their own, SMI not only was forced to move to opposition, but along with power, it is also risking to lose the position of the third political pole. This way, the three polarity of Albanian politics is also risking to be dissolved. In practice, this puts a political party in difficulty, because not only its pragmatist followers and supporters will look for other political alternatives to secure the benefits that they have secured thus far, but its leaders will no longer be in a condition to dictate different solutions in relation to the other two political parties.

This momentum which is expected to be tested initially in the 2019 local government elections, is the biggest test of fire that Ilir Meta’s presidency must pass, in order to understand what sort of president he will really be. Will he be a cool-headed president who will face any challenges that he comes across “with love and composure”?

Or will he be a president who will go back to the clashes that were seen in Parliament with the DP in the past or the recent ones with the SP during the election campaign, as soon as his personal interests or the interests of the party that he formed and which is now led by his wife, will be threatened? Will he turn the presidency into a new pole of power to make the Albanian political scene once again a three polar scene in favor of SMI? This remains to be seen.

Note: The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Albanian Free Press’ editorial policy

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