By SONILA MEÇO
Starting from the capital of Germany, as an incentive to strengthen cooperation between countries of Western Balkans, where the smoke of war still remains like a shadow over past conflicts, the Berlin Process stopped in its next station, Trieste, following Vienna and Paris. A process which aims to offer hope for the integration of the Balkans, despite the poor economies and dialogue which has come to a gridlock. Integration in a European Union which is tired of expansion, consumed by old crises and incompetent of reacting like a global player.
When German chancellor, Angela Merkel presented her incentive to host the first conference on Western Balkans in August 2014 as part of the Berlin process, this caused positive reactions in the region. First of all, because it was an incentive which aimed at calming down concerns that were caused by the declarations made in July of that year by the President of the European Commission, Juncker that there would no longer be expansion of the EU during his 5 year term in office. Although technically correct, his declaration created the perception that the EU didn’t have adequate commitment to respect the region’s countries integration aspirations. After Berlin, the summit was also held in Vienna in 2015, in Paris in 2016 and this year, in Trieste. The leaders of the region sat down on a table along with European leaders, who were convened there by the German chancellor. The French president and Italian Prime Minister were there to mark a new focus toward Western Balkans. Knowing about the failure of functional democracies in these countries, the summit itself showed that the attention of European leaders is now focused on strengthening economic cooperation in the region, especially connections in energy, transport, digital sectors, including pan-European corridors. The final scope is the creation of a Regional Economic Area. It’s now clear that the EU’s failure to advance with the integrating process, affected by the Union’s own crises, also stems from the fact that dialogue with the countries of Western Balkans was focused on the political elites, leaving civil society and important people with an impact on public opinion out.
But in this reality of mutual failures between the EU and Western Balkan countries, the Berlin Process charter still remains a thread of hair where the person being drowned hangs on to in order not to sink in the EU’s own crisis.
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Political tension is still there; Pristina and Belgrade on the issue of Kosovo, Skopje and Athens on the name for Macedonia and the missing constitutional reform in the country of three ethnic groups, Bosnia-Herzegovina. The biggest card for the EU was to guarantee the irreversibility of democratic reforms. But the weak response against authoritarian regimes and a bigger focus on stability, cast doubts on the efforts of the European Union.
So, Germany decided to play another card and rely on the EU’s financial power to approach Western Balkan countries. A joint customs system and a common market for six countries of the region. This would help motivate Balkan countries who were losing patience from the lack of advancement in the integrating processes, it would fill the vacuum caused by expectations from other actors, starting with Russia, it would allow more time for the EU to accommodate a situation stirred by the waves of emigrants, BREXIT and the consequences of the elections in the main EU countries.
The EU didn’t help in the management of these situations. In a Macedonia asphyxiated by the political crisis, the European Commission underlined that the political criteria were sufficiently delivered. And this failure to intervene on time did not only manifest itself in Macedonia, but also in Albania, in the growing tension between Serbia and Kosovo, in the growing threats against constitutional order in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in the capture of the media and concentration of power in Serbia.
Low incomes and high unemployment have made the life for many people in the region very difficult. Thousands of educated people move in the west every year and the wait for Europe to open its doors does nothing else but increase cynicism that the entry in the joint family will only be achieved if each state relies on its own strengths. For this, the EU Enlargement Commissioner, Johannes Hahn publicly backed the creation of an Economic Area of the Western Balkans. This was the driving force of the Trieste Summit; to offer funds for connection projects and to test the Joint Economic Area.
In his editorial for Wall Street Journal, Prime Minister Edi Rama argued why Albania will support the Joint Economic Area. When asked why this Economic Area is needed while Bosnia-Herzegovina, Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo and Serbia cooperate under the Central Europe Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA), the Serb president, Vucic argued that deeper cooperation would secure a more sustainable growth. Speaking on the railway line that will connect Belgrade to Sarajevo and Pristina, he said that this is not only an economic project, but it also give shape to old Yugoslavia plus Albania, a political idea that doesn’t affect the sovereignty of member countries.
This is where panic for a project which would restore former Yugoslavia started. Criticism over the development of a Joint Economic Area is based first of all on this declaration. Kosovo was alarmed and after this, Albania would deny the existence of such plan. But, the Serb President, Aleksandar Vucic, did in fact express his long life dream and adapted it with the expectations of a European Union which is stuck in the expansion trap, to sell it as the only Balkan reality which could save the EU integration process bridge from burning.
In real terms, the threat exists although Albania is where it is and what it is.
Whether we want it or not, it’s up to us if Yugoslavia is created or not, by building a strong state and economy. But Albania has failed in being a leader in terms of attracting investments in the region. Because being a leader doesn’t depend on the good will, the swaggering or the height of the leader. To counter Vucic’s long life dream for a Yugoslavia plus Albania, one needs not another dream, but a reality. And not a reality that is produced on the media, but an existing one.
Here are the facts:
How big is the Albanian economy? What is its impact in the region? What position does it rank?
In the last “Doing Business” report by the World Bank, Albania had the lowest score in relation to other countries of the region, leaving behind only Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo.
As far as exports in relation to GDP are concerned, Albania has the lowest performance. In the 2017 Global Innovation Index, Albania is last in Europe, showing a low level of development of innovation in the production sector and information technology.
How will Albania face competition in the region? And is it really an extension of Vucic’s dream and those who want to revive a new Yugoslavia with economic figures?
Note: The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Albanian Free Press’ editorial policy
