By Roland Qafoku
We were all convinced that the declaration constantly issued by Ilir Meta that the Socialist Movement for Integration would come out as the biggest political force and an unprecedented political force in the June 25 elections, was a tactic that Meta was following. In reality, SMI could not come out the biggest political force in the country, however, it managed to cement the third spot once again, after the Socialist Party and the Democratic Party, a spot that it preserves since its creation as a political force in 2014. While everyone is rushing to make the Socialist Party a bigger winner than it is and the Democratic Party a bigger loser than it is in reality, they have almost forgotten SMI. But the podium of a race has three spots and if the first one is the real winner and the second one is the first one to lose, for the third, the bronze medal seems to act against the two, the first one and the second one. In fact, all two seem to be against the Socialist Movement for Integration and from the third spot, it stares how the first two ones attempt to annihilate the party that has given them so much trouble. These four years are expected to be the biggest and the most real challenge for SMI and its future, by being in front of two options: To either continue to grow and become a decisive factor in the governance of the country or shrink and turn into a party with minimum values such as it is the case with SPD, DPA, RP or PJIU. Based not only on the result of these elections, the Socialist Movement for Integration deserves an analysis in order to point out some negative and positive sides that accompanied this political force.
The positive sides
First of all, the Socialist Movement for Integration managed to cement the third spot in the Albanian political arena and this is no small thing. In the 3 July 2005 elections, SMI obtained 5 seats. In the 28 June 2009 elections, it obtained 4 seats. In the 23 June 2013 elections, it obtained 16 seats and in the 25 June 2017 elections, it obtained 19 seats. So, in four consecutive parliamentary elections, SMI not only has grown as a political force, but its growth is evident, constant and decisive. Secondly, the Socialist Movement for Integration currently has three seats more than it had in the previous parliament, which means that its parliamentary group is much more consolidated. We all remember the parliamentary group of SMI when it had four and five MPs, the meeting of which was just like a meeting for coffee. Meanwhile, as of 2013 and in the legislative session which is soon expected to commence, the group will be more structured, it will have its own chairman and vice chairmen. It will have secretaries, it will have members in the parliamentary committees and above all, it will have a clear platform of parliamentarianism.
Thirdly, it’s true that SMI is in opposition, but with Ilir Meta as president, it will always have an added value. We need to stress that no political force in Albania, which has ranked third, has had any of its representatives in the highest office of the state. Of course, the president is above the sides, but a president coming out of a political force, is always pulled by the party that proposed him. Was this not the case with Sali Berisha as president, Rexhep Mejdani as president or Bujar Nishani as president?
Fourthly, the fact that SMI moved to opposition showed that a political force in Albania cannot remain in power for more than 8 years. Since 1997, the SP and the DP have each remained in power for two full terms in office. SMI didn’t make an exception from this unwritten rule of Albanian politics.
Fifthly, nobody can say now that SMI is a political force which always goes with the party in power. One of the most serious accusations made to SMI relates to the fact that it joined any party that was in power. But now that it’s in opposition, this thesis is no longer valid. SMI was created when it was in opposition and it remained in opposition from 2004 until 2009. Now, after eight years in power, this political force moved to opposition now.
Sixthly, in two months, SMI has seen three chairs. Ilir Meta, Petrit Vasili and Monika Kryemadhi will be remembered of taking the lead of SMI within a short period of time. While Meta remains not only the founder, but also the identity of this party, Petrit Vasili did a very civil gesture of resigning after losing the elections, in order to leave his place to someone else. In fact, many are wondering how a party can function at a time when the husband is president of republic and the wife is first lady and chair of a party at the same time. Those who know Meta and Kryemadhi well, also know how to make the difference. Mrs. Kryemadhi has started her political career and has had personal chievements without being in a relation with Ilir Meta and what she has achieved in 27 years of politics, are rarely seen in a woman in Albania. To better illustrate Mrs. Kryemadhi’s value in politics and now, as chairwoman of SMI, I will reveal a real story. An important MP of the Socialist Party and a person who knows Meta-Kryemadhi couple all too well, at the moment when Meta was elected as president and someone said that SMI without Meta will be a party without any value, he replied: Wait! I fear Monika more than Ilir!
SMI’s mistakes
First of all, SMI became neither the second biggest force, nor the biggest force in the country. It remained a third political force and we have seen such a third political force in the past 27 years. With nearly 230 thousand votes, this party has almost obtained the same votes as it did in the 2013 parliamentary elections, but it has obtained nearly 20 thousand votes less than in the local elections of 2015. Although the local government elections differ from the parliamentary elections, SMI had great expectations. There was a feeling of euphoria within SMI and this related to many factors. But this made it lose a lot of points among voters, who were feeling that the Socialist Party and the Democratic Party had joined forces against SMI and that this political force was moving to opposition. Amid this hurricane of euphoria, Luan Rama knew how to make a difference and was realistic when he declared that SMI would obtain from 20 to 25 seats in the next parliament. In these elections, we saw once again that the pentagon Tirana-Durres-Elbasan-Fier-Berat worked out, but in several other constituencies, the results were below expectations, and such was the case in Shkodra, Dibra and Vlora.
Secondly, SMI could not manage to gain momentum and take advantage of the drastic fall of the Democratic Party, which in the best scenario, could replace it as a leading party in the opposition. The DP can continue to lead the opposition, although SMI’s goals were not realistic.
Thirdly, SMI had a good and fair electoral tactic. We can say that SMI only held a 20 day election campaign against Rama. A party which in four years had rarely publicly spoken against the government, suddenly became very aggressive during the campaign and it made the SP and Rama its number one enemy. Moving from one extreme to another led to a bewilderment of the voters and made them abandon this party. Was this not what Ylli Manjani did and Meta gave the ok to Rama to remove him? Based on this situation, the least that Meta and his men can do is to apologize to Manjani, who did nothing more than what his party did in the last 20 days of the election campaign, by pointing the finger toward the Prime Minister.
Fourthly, we can say that it was a good thing that the image of SMI during this election campaign was represented by youth. Truth be told, youth has served as the political essence and compared to the SP and DP, SMI has won this bet. When I saw young men and women in the rallies that SMI held, I used to see an atmosphere never seen before in the Albanian politics, apart from the time of the famous FRESSH of the time of Monika Kryemadhi, Ilir Meta and Pandeli Majko. But it seemed a little exaggerated. Not only did we see the so called SMI’s under 19s more than anyone else appear in speeches and TV screens during the campaign, but the lists also promoted young people. How is it possible that while SMI has within its ranks names such as minister Edmond Panariti, Nasip Naco, Sokol Dervishaj, Vangjel Tavol, Lefter Koka, Edmond Haxhinasto or honorable professors such Shezai Rrokaj, Nora Malaj, Bruna Paskali and many others, their presence in TV screens was felt very little or it wasn’t felt at all? The culmination of it all was when the image of SMI didn’t become any of these honored people, but Klajda Gjosha, who, up until today has been supported like no one before by Meta and Kryemadhi, but the public opinion cannot yet remember any phrases articulated by her from the thousand speeches that she has delivered. One cannot judge Ilir Meta of supporting Klajda Gjosha and Kejdi Mehmetaj so much, but to what extent have these two young women justified this powerful support? Because they will have to show their true value now that they are in opposition.
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